Developer Campaign Contributions
In this video, we dive into campaign contributions by developers. Is this good for optics? Watch the video below or read the summary and let me know!
SUMMARY:
Curtiss Bryant presents a detailed analysis of campaign contributions from developers to Citrus County Commission candidates and how those contributions coincide with zoning and development approvals. He clarifies from the outset that he is not accusing any official of illegal activity, bribery, or vote-buying, but raises concerns about the optics of elected officials voting on projects tied to donors.
Curtiss focuses on contributions from developers such as Dix Developments, Citrus Hills, and Metro Group, showing how thousands of dollars were donated—often through multiple LLCs—to candidates who later voted on related development projects. Although legal under Florida election law, Curtiss emphasizes the perception problem: commissioners are expected to act as neutral quasi-judicial figures during zoning hearings, yet may appear biased when they have accepted money from applicants.
For example, Dix Developments donated $6,000 each to commissioners Holly Davis and Ruthie Schlabach in 2024. Projects tied to Dix—like the 900-home Crystal Ridge near Rock Crusher, the large-scale Amber Ridge development near Target, and the Betz Farm purchase with a $6 million county contract—were approved by the BOCC, often with unanimous votes.
The Pine Ridge Golf Course project, which sought to convert golf land into 84 homes, was denied 5-0 in January 2024 amid re-election season pressure. Curtiss speculates it will likely pass in a future vote, now that the election is behind them.
Curtiss also highlights Citrus Hills, a long-standing developer, which contributed $13,000 to both Ruthie and Jeff Kinnard, and $5,000 to Davis. Projects like Hampton Hills, Brentwood Davis Reserve, and the Tampa General Hospital expansion were all approved unanimously, often involving rezoning or variances that required BOCC approval.
The controversial Tuscany Ranch development, owned by Beverly Hills Development Group and developed by Metro Group, was approved 3-2. Contributions from Metro and related companies included $4,250 to Davis, $4,000 to Bays, $3,250 to Finnegan, and $1,000 to Schlabach.
Curtiss does acknowledge projects where no clear contributions could be found, such as the Crystal Glen development and phases of the Lecanto Target area. However, he notes how tangled the developer landscape can be, with LLC name changes and complex ownership structures.
Finally, he highlights a few notable contributors and their possible implications:
- Gulf Lake Associates donated $3,000 to Kinnard and $1,300 to Davis; they're active near the Walmart area.
- Sunrise Consulting Group, a former county lobbyist, gave $6,000 but no longer works with the county. This shows that just because donations are made, doesnt mean it results in a positive outcome
- SMG Trucking and Christopher Airports made donations, and may be affected by upcoming decisions on sand mines and airport management.
Curtiss concludes by reiterating that this information is about transparency, not allegations. His goal is to help the public understand how development, campaign financing, and county decisions intersect—often in ways that merit public scrutiny, even if they don’t cross legal lines.